CONTENTS:
1. Chief Gabriel Renville
2. The Great Treasure of the Fort Snelling Prison Camp
3. Treaty of 1867 - The Treaty That Established the Lake Traverse Reservation
4. Through Dakota Eyes - Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862
5. Allotment and the Sissetons: Experiments in Cultural Change, 1866-1905 - (NOT YET POSTED)
6. A Report Relative to the Purchase and Release of the Surplus Lands in the - (NOT YET POSTED)
Lake Traverse Reservation.
7 . Open Letter to the Oyate (Part 1)
8. Open Letter to the Oyate (Part 2)
CHIEF GABRIEL RENVILLE
SEPT. 2nd, 1892
The death of this noted Indian Chief – the tried and faithful friend of the white man, which occurred at my residence at Browns Valley, Aug. 26th, 1892 is an event which should elicit a far more elaborate notice of his life and character than I now care attempt to present.
A faithful memoir would be little less than a complete history of governmental intercourse with the Sisseton Sioux, from a period when this part of the Northwest was comparatively unexplored – when the country between the Mississippi River on the eastward to Missouri on the west was the home and tramping ground of the nomadic Sioux – The Red Men of America, and the wild buffalo – When his people wore blanket, dressed in skins, lived in tip’s and followed the chase as a means of subsistence and clothing – up to the present time, for Gabriel Renville, whose Indian name was TiWakan by which he was known far and near throughout the seventy odd thousand Sioux speaking people has figured more or less conspicuously for a period exceeding the life time of a generation affecting both the Indians and whites of this region.The deceased was born on the western shores of
He was the son of Victor Renville and a nephew of Joseph Renville who figured so prominently in the early days of
When Gabriel was about seven years old his father, who was on the warpath against the Chippewa’s was killed and scalped by those hereditary enemies of the Sioux near the present city of
It was here he developed the daring spirit for which he was noted in his after life, for as young as he was he alone and with nothing but roots and herbs to live on, he traveled across the trackless prairies of western Illinois and through dense forests of Wisconsin back to his people in Minnesota a distance of not less than five hundred miles.
At the age of about twenty-two he was engaged in the fur trade for General Sibley, Commodore Kittson, and Major Brown and was located on the
At the time of the outbreak of 1962 Gabriel was a prosperous farmer near Yellow Medicine Agency a few miles below the present city of
From the first indication of hostility in 1862 he with his step-father Joseph Akipa Renville who died about a year ago and other relatives among whom were John B. and Michael Renville and Major Amos and Two Stars acted boldly on the side of the whites and did not cease their exertions to save the whites and punish the hostile Indians until peace had been declared. Those organized for an armed resistance to the depredations of the hostile bands were largely and almost entirely of the relatives of the chief.
During the month of May 1865 thirteen Indians who were on their way to depredate upon the whites were killed at different times by these friendly Indians which acting as scouts for the protection of the frontier under the immediate command of Gabriel Renville, their chief. Through influence of him self and relatives the hostile Indians were prevented from killing the white captives in their possessions and it was their relatives with whom Gen. Sibley cooperated in rescuing and releasing those captives to their friends.
It was on account of Gabriel Renville’s constant and unsevering friendship for the whites with every efficient and he rendered Gen. Sibley and his peculiar
----(Unable to decipher) otherwise for the position that he was made chief of the Sisseton’s. He was first appointed by Gen. Sibley in 1862, elected by the Indians in 1864 and reelected in 1866. He was recognized by the government the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1867 and elected for life by the Indians in January 1864.
Gabriel Renville was a great hunter. He was in his element when on a buffalo chase. He always rode the fastest horse and made the best run. I have seen him on a single chase shoot and kill sixteen buffaloes in sixteen shots in less than sixteen minutes. Armed with a Henry Rifle – now known as the Winchester – and mounted on a swift horse, he took after a drove of about 500 buffaloes and shot as rapidly as he could pull the trigger and at every shot brought down a buffalo and they were choice animals, too, good, fat young cows.
Buffalo robes at that time were worth from twelve to fourteen dollars apiece this run netted Gabriel about $200. The newspapers of the day were filled with stories of his wonderful feat and it was seriously contented that Gabriel Renville made the best run on records.
He was also expert with the bow and arrow. I have seen him kill two buffaloes with one arrow at one shot. One of the buffaloes was a calf running beside it mother. The arrow pierced the cow and struck the calf both of which dropped dead. I now have the steel point of that arrow in my possession.
Gabriel Renville never learned to speak English but he spoke good sound sense in Sioux. Prof. Painter of the Indian Rights Association in Washington said this of Renville, “He is a fine specimen of the noble Red Man’ stately, dignified, reticent, intelligent, straight forward and manly in his bearing impressing those about him as possessing great reserve force which could easily be called into action if his good sense and perfect mastery of himself consented.”
In my interview with him I was impressed always and increasingly so by the quiet dignity and greatness of the man. He told the story of his great voyage with unruffled composure and dispassionate calmness which appeared to be indifference but there was then flashes of lighting in his eye which revealed reserves of great strength and feeling which were under control of a master mind and will – but this rambling sketch already too long I fear must be brought to a close and in doing so I desire to say that the family and relatives of the late chief wish through me to express their gratitude too the members of the common council of Browns Valley and to his many friends who were present and assisted at the funeral and also to sincerely thank those who presented floral emblems and decorated the casket so beautifully for the last rites.
S. J. Brown
(Reproduced by Grady Renville from a document obtained from the Minnesota Historical Society
Treaty of February 19, 1867
The treaty that established the Lake Traverse Reservation
The treaty that established the Lake Traverse Reservation
Whereas it is understood that a portion of the Sissiton and Warpeton bands of Santee Sioux Indians, numbering from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred persons, not only preserved their obligations to the Government of the United States, during and since the outbreak of the Medewakantons and other bands of Sioux in 1862, but freely perilled their lives during that outbreak to rescue the residents on the Sioux reservation, and to obtain possession of white women and children made captives by the hostile bands; and that another portion of said Sissiton and Warpeton bands, numbering from one thousand to twelve hundred persons, who did not participate in the massacre of the whites in 1862, fearing the indiscriminate vengeance of the whites, fled to the great prairies of the Northwest, where they still remain; and
Whereas Congress, in confiscating the Sioux annuities and reservations, made no provision for the support of these, the friendly portion of the Sissiton and Warpeton bands, and it is believed [that] they have been suffered to remain homeless wanderers, frequently subject to intense sufferings from want of subsistence and clothing to protect them from the rigors of a high northern latitude, although at all times prompt in rendering service when called upon to repel hostile raids and to punish depredations committed by hostile Indians upon the persons and property of the whites; and
Whereas the several subdivisions of the friendly Sissitons and Warpeton bands ask, through their representatives, that their adherence to their former obligations of friendship to the Government and people of the United States be recognized, and that provision be made to enable them to return to an agricultural life and be relieved from a dependence upon the chase for a precarious subsistence. Therefore,
A treaty has been made and entered into, at Washington City, District of Columbia, this nineteenth day of February, A. D. 1867, by and between Lewis V. Bogy, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and William H. Watson, commissioners, on the part of the United States, and the undersigned chiefs and head-men of the Sissiton and Warpeton bands of Dakota or Sioux Indians, as follows, to wit:
Article 1.
Sissiton and Warpeton bands of Dakota Sioux Indians, represented in council, will continue their friendly relations with the Government and people of the United States, and bind themselves individually and collectively to use their influence to the extent of their ability to prevent other bands of Dakota or other adjacent tribes from making hostile demonstrations against the Government or people of the United States.
Article 2.
The said bands hereby cede to the United States the right to construct wagon-roads, railroads, mail stations, telegraph lines, and such other public improvements as the interest of the Government may require, over and across the lands claimed by said bands, (including their reservation as hereinafter designated) over any route or routes that that may be selected by the authority of the Government, said lands so claimed being bounded on the south and east by the treaty-line of 1851, and the Red River of the North to the mouth of Goose River; on the north by the Goose River and a line running from the source thereof by the most westerly point of Devil's Lake to the Chief's Bluff at the head of James River, and on the west by the James River to the mouth of Mocasin River, and thence to Kampeska Lake.
Article 3.
For and in consideration of the cession above mentioned, and in consideration of the faithful and important services said to have been rendered by the friendly bands of Sissitons and Warpetons Sioux here represented, and also in consideration of the confiscation of all their annuities, reservations, and improvements, it is agreed that there shall be set apart for the members of said bands who have heretofore surrendered to the authorities of the Government, and were not sent to the Crow Creek reservation, and for the members of said bands who were released from prison in 1866, the following-described lands as a permanent reservation, viz:
Beginning at the head of Lake Travers[e], and thence along the treaty-line of the treaty of 1851 to Kampeska Lake; thence in a direct line to Reipan or the northeast point of the Coteau des Prairie[s], and thence passing north of Skunk Lake, on the most direct line to the foot of Lake Traverse, and thence along the treaty-line of 1851 to the place of beginning.
Article 4.
It is further agreed that a reservation be set apart for all other members of said bands who were not sent to the Crow Creek reservation, and also for the Cut-Head bands of Yanktonais Sioux, a reservation bounded as follows, viz:
Beginning at the most easterly point of Devil's Lake; thence along the waters of said lake to the most westerly point of the same; thence on a direct line to the nearest point on the Cheyenne River; thence down said river to a point opposite the lower end of Aspen Island, and thence on a direct line to the place of beginning.
Article 5.
The said reservations shall be apportioned in tracts of (160) one hundred and sixty acres to each head of a family or single person over the age of (21) twenty-one years, belonging to said bands and entitled to locate thereon, who may desire to locate permanently and cultivate the soil as a means of subsistence: each (160) one hundred and sixty acres so allotted to be made to conform to the legal subdivisions of the Government surveys when such surveys shall have been made; and every person to whom lands may be allotted under the provisions of this article, who shall occupy and cultivate a portion thereof for five consecutive years shall thereafter be entitled to receive a patent for the same so soon as he shall have fifty acres of said tract fenced, ploughed, and in crop: Provided, [That] said patent shall not authorize any transfer of said lands, or portions thereof, except to the United States, but said lands and the improvements thereon shall descend to the proper heirs of the persons obtaining a patent.
Article 6.
And, further, in consideration of the destitution of said bands of Sissiton and Warpeton Sioux, parties hereto, resulting from the confiscation of their annuities and improvements, it is agreed that Congress will, in its own discretion, from time to time make such appropriations as may be deemed requisite to enable said Indians to return to an agricultural life under the system in operation on the Sioux reservation in 1862; including, if thought advisable, the establishment and support of local and manual-labor schools; the employment of agricultural, mechanical, and other teachers; the opening and improvement of individual farms; and generally such objects as Congress in its wisdom shall deem necessary to promote the agricultural improvement and civilization of said bands.
Article 7.
An agent shall be appointed for said bands, who shall be located at Lake Traverse; and whenever there shall be five hundred (500) persons of said bands permanently located upon the Devil's Lake reservation there shall be an agent or other competent person appointed to superintend at that place the agricultural, educational, and mechanical interests of said bands.
Article 8.
All expenditures under the provisions of this treaty shall be made for the agricultural improvement and civilization of the members of said bands authorized to locate upon the respective reservations, as hereinbefore specified, in such manner as may be directed by law; but no goods, provisions, groceries, or other articles - except materials for the erection of houses and articles to facilitate the operations of agriculture - shall be issued to Indians or mixed-bloods on either reservation unless it be in payment for labor performed or for produce delivered: Provided, That when persons located on either reservation, by reason of age, sickness, or deformity, are unable to labor, the agent may issue clothing and subsistence to such persons from such supplies as may be provided for said bands.
Article 9.
The withdrawal of the Indians from all dependence upon the chase as a means of subsistence being necessary to the adoption of civilized habits among them, it is desirable that no encouragement be afforded them to continue their hunting operations as means of support, and, therefore, it is agreed that no person will be authorized to trade for furs or peltries within the limits of the land claimed by said bands, as specified in the second article of this treaty, it being contemplated that the Indians will rely solely upon agricultural and mechanical labor for subsistence, and that the agent will supply the Indians and mixed-bloods on the respective reservations with clothing, provisions, as set forth in article eight, so soon as the same shall be provided for that purpose. And it is further agreed that no person not a member of said bands, parties hereto whether white, mixed-blood, or Indian, except persons in the employ of the Government or located under its authority, shall be permitted to locate upon said lands, either for hunting, trapping, or agricultural purposes.
Article 10.
The chiefs and head-men located upon either of the reservations set apart for said bands are authorized to adopt such rules, regulations, or laws for the security of life and property, the advancement of civilization, and the agricultural prosperity of the members of said bands upon the respective reservations, and shall have authority, under the direction of the agent, and without expense to the Government, to organize a force sufficient to carry out all such rules, regulations, or laws, and all rules and regulations for the government of said Indians, as may be prescribed by the Interior Department: Provided, That all rules, regulations, or laws adopted or amended by the chiefs and head-men on either reservation shall receive the sanction of the agent.
In testimony whereof, we, the commissioners representing the United States, and the delegates representing the Sissiton and Warpeton bands of Sioux Indians, have hereunto set our hands and seals, at the place and on the day and year above written.
Lewis V. Bogy, Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
W. H. Watson.
Gabriel Renville, head chief Siss(i)ton and Wa(r)peton bands.
Wamdiupiduta, his x mark, head Siss(i)ton chief.
Tacandupahotanka, his x mark, head Wa(r)peton chief.
Oyehduze, his x mark, chief Sissiton.
Umpehtutokca, his x mark, chief Wahpeton.
John Otherday.
Akicitananjin, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Waxicunmaza, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Wasukiye, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Wamdiduta, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Hokxidanwaxte, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Wakanto, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Ecanajinke, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Canteiyapa, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Tihdonica, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Tawapahamaza, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Wandiiyeza, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Tacunrpipeta, his x mark, Sissiton soldier.
Wicumrpinumpa, his x mark, Wa(r)peton soldier.
Xupehiyu, his x mark, Wa(r)peton soldier.
Ecetukiye, his x mark, Wa(r)peton soldier.
Kangiduta, his x mark, Wa(r)peton soldier.
Witnesses to signatures of above chiefs and soldiers:
Charles E. Mix.
Benj'n Thompson.
J. R. Brown.
Anexus M. A. Brown, Interpreter.
Chas. Crawford.
Thos. E. McGraw.
J. H. Leavenworth.
A. B. Norton.
Geo. B. Jonas.
Frank S. Mix.
GABRIEL RENVILLE’S MEMOIR
(FROM THE BOOK “THROUGH DAKOTA EYES” – NARRATIVE ACCOUNTS OF THE MINNESOTA WAR OF 1862)
My home was six miles north of the Yellow Medicine Agency, on the opposite side of the Minnesota River. One evening [August 18] at seven O’clock I was told by an Indian that all the people at the Redwood Agency were killed. I wanted to know whether this report was true or false, so we crossed the river to hunt up the truth. We found nothing and came back that evening. Then the next morning before sunrise another runner came and told about the troubles at Redwood Agency. This man reported that all the people at the agency were killed and many of them (the Indians) had come up to the Yellow Medicine Agency to attack the trader’s stores there, and there was a big scare. He said this then went on…..[half a line is here missing from the manuscript]
I went along but did not see anybody. My horses were standing in sight and I ran for one, caught it, and went back to my house. At that time another man appeared. He and the women folks stood outside in the open awaiting my return. So I didn’t know what to do. Then I saddled my horse and went towards the agency – that was my intention. I had some relative’s at the agency that I wanted to see. I wanted to know whether they were killed or not, and I told the folks at home that if I didn’t return in one hour it would be because I was killed. Now we made up our minds to take the women folks and flee to the Sisseton’s where our friends were. We had many relatives there. I mounted my horse and crossed the river – went about a mile and a half through the woods. Then I came to a prairie. It was the prairie lying north of the agency. Then I whipped up my horse and went as fast as I could. I was going through the crowd when I was stopped by some Indians who were on horseback. I said, “My friends, what is the trouble?” They said the Indians were killing all the people at the Lower Agency and were murdering the white farmers across the river there.
It was some of those who came that night [early morning hours of August 19]
and drove away the storekeepers and plundered. They also reported that all the whites at the Agency had made a stand in the Agency buildings. They who reported this were of those who were not enemies of the whites.
I then went as fast as I could towards the Agency, and stopped suddenly in front of the west door of the warehouse building. I did not see a single person, but heard very much thumping noises. I then went around to the east door, and there saw they had gone in that way and were plundering inside.
There was a house about four hundred yards south of the Agency buildings, from which I saw a woman come crying. I went towards here, and when I reached her I found it was my mother. She was very much frightened. When she saw that it was I, she was overcome and fell to the ground, and though she tried to get up she would fall to the ground again. I got down and took hold of her, assisting her to rise, and said, “Don’t cry, but stand up. A great calamity has come to us, and we may all die. Stop crying, and try to control yourself.”
I asked her what had become of the white people who belonged at the Agency. She said that that night, near daylight, John Other Day had started with them all towards the east, and that among them was one white man who had been shot but was still alive and was taken along. [This was Stewart B. Garvie] Then she said, “Your brother as gone to your sister’s. It has now been a long time since he went, but he has not come back. I expect they are all dead.” She meant my sister [Susan Frenier Brown, wife of Joseph R. Brown] who lived with her children about eight miles south of the Agency. Then I said to her, “Mother, go back into the house and stay quiet there, and I will go home and come here again.” I then mounted my horse, and rode as fast as I could towards my home.
About three miles north of the Agency there lived a white man who was a minister [Rev Thomas S. Williamson]. He was the first man who came among the Wahpeton’s to teach them, and was called the Doctor. He came out and met me, and asked what was being done and what the news was. I told him, “My friend, a great commotion has come. All the people at the Redwood Agency, and all the farmers across the river from that Agency, are reported to have been killed. But the people of the Yellow Medicine Agency, and the traders at that place, have all fled under the guidance of John Other Day last night. Everything in the stores has been taken, and those buildings have been burned. The Agency buildings have been plundered and everything taken, but they are not burned.
“These things are true, therefore, my friend, flee.” He replied, “I have been a long time with the Dakotas, and I don’t think they will kill me. My children have all gone, and I am along with my wife.” Then I said to him, “its is reported that even the mixed-bloods who are Dakotas have been killed, and the only thing for you to do is to flee.” I then went into the house and shook hands with the woman, and again urged them to escape. Their fright was very great, as could be told by their paleness of countenance; and the wild look in the eyes of all whom I met, being the same in the faces and eyes of these people, moved my heart.
I came out of the house, rode swiftly away, and, fording the river, reached my home. I found the nhorses already hitched to the wgon, and we started in a hurry, going forward a ford which was a good crossing for wagons. I saw at that time the Doctor’s children and others with them, who were crossing the river and fleeing towards the east under the guidance of an Indian who was friendly to the whites.
We crossed the river and went towards the Agency, and when we had gone about 4 miles some of the people I met were drunk. Two mn took my horses by the bits, and accused me of fleeing towards the whites, and said tht whoevee did that was now an enemy. I told them I was not going there, but they did not believe, and they used me roughly. I saw they were drunk, because one of them had a bottle tied to his arm. I then jumped to the ground, tore their hands loose from me, and took the bottle away from the man who had it. Pulling on the cork, I took a mouthful and swallowed some of it, but it burned my mouth and throat, so that I did not swallow all of it. I poured it out, and threw the bottle away and then went on. The reason why it burned my mouth was that it was white liquor and had not been mixed with water.
In a cellar under one of the buildings at the Agency was a forty gallon barrel of alcohol for the use of the Agency physician, which had been found by them and created very much of a commotion among the people who were then about the Agency. Every person had his gun, and those who were drunk were preparing to shoot at one another; but those that were not drunk held them, and that was how it came that no one was killed.
I saw this and went on to my mothers house, and found that my brother (Charles Crawford, his half brother) who had gone to where my sister, and her children were living had come back. He reported that they had fled, but that some of the hostile Indians came, and that he thought they must have all been killed. These hostiles had their minds made up to kill him, but there was one who took his part and saved his life. Runners were continually arriving from the hostile Inians.
It was next reported that a detachment of soldiers that had been sent out from Fort Ridgeley had been all killed (Marsh’s command). About five o’clock in the evening it was reported that Major Brown’s wife, children, and son-in-lqaw, had all been taken prisoners. Major Brown’s wife was our sister.
Thirteen of us decided to go into the Agency buildings and make a stand there, because they were strong, brick buildings. In the Agents house were Mazo-ma-ne (Walking in Irons) (Akipa’s brother), Hin-tah-chan (Basswood) Shu-pay-he-yu (Intestines came out0, and Pay-tah-koyang-enah-pay (Appeared clothed in Fire). In the doctor’s house were Ah-kee-pah (Coming together), Charles Crawford, Thomas Crawford, and Han-yo-ke-hah (Flies in the Night). In the school building were myself, Two Starts, and E-nee-hah (Excited). The the farmer’s building were Koda (Friend), and Ru-pah-hu (Wing). It was the next morning that we did this. Then Charles Crawford and Ah-kee-pah went to get Makor Brown’s wife and children, and got them and brought them back.
News was coming in every dayt, that Fort Ridegely was being attached, that white settlers to the east and south were being massacred, and that New Ulm was attacked. It was also reported that a party of hostile Indians, many young menm had gone north on a war party, there being white people there and also a fort (Fort Abercrombie) toward which they went.
After these many things had come to pass, the hostile Indians, with their families, moved up towards the Yellow Medicine Agenc, and had now arrived. Then tah-o-yah-tay-doo-tah, or Little Crown, the chosen chief of the hostile Indians, came to where we were, and told us to get out of the houses that we were in. he said, “These houses are large and strong, and must be burned. If they are not burned, the soldiers will come and get into them, therefore get out, and if you do not you will be burted with the buildings.” So we got our horses and hitched them to our wagons, into which we put our belongings, and started north.
When we had gone about a mile and a half, we come to where the hostile Indians had formed a camp. As we were through the camp, I saw many white prisoners, old women, young women, boys and girls, bareheaded and barefooted, and it made my heart hot, and so I said to Ah-hee-pah, Two Stars, and E-nee-hah, “If these prisoners were only men, instead of women and children, it would be all right, but it is hard that this terrible suffering should be brought upon women and children, and they have killed many of seven such as these.”
I therefore had in mind to call a council, invite the hostile Indians and appoint Mazo-ma-he and Marpiya-wicasta (Cloud Man) to say to the hostiles that it was our wish that the prisoners should be sent home. Ah-kee-pah, Two Starts, and E-nee-hah, agreed with me in my idea, and they told me to go on and do so.
We had by this time got about five miles from the Agency, at the home of Mr. Riggs. These houses were not yet burned and were occupied by some of the friendly Indians. John B. Renville was with them, and we made our camp near the.
I told Mazo-ma-ne and Cloud Man what I wanted of them, and they said they would do as I wished. I then went to the people that were in the Hazelwood Mission house, and told them what I was planning to do, and they also told me to go ahead and do it, and J.B. Renville gave me a calf to kill to feed the people that were to be called to that council. This was in the evening. The next morning early I killed a cow which I had tied up, and picked out two men, Tah-ta-wah-kan-hdi and Hin-ta-chan, to do the cooking.
When all was ready, before the invitation was sent to the hostile camp, a large body of horsemen came towards us from that camp, two hundred or more. They all had their guns, theirs faces were painted, and they were gaily dressed. They came and stopped at our camp. Then I said to them, “We were about to send for you to come here to a council. But, as you are here, whatever your purpose may be in coming, for the present get off your houses and have something to eat.”
They then got down, and after they had eaten they mounted again, and, forming around our camp, said, “We have come for you, and if you do not come, the next time we will come to attack you;” and firing their guns into the air they departed.
By this time Cloud Man, Mazo-ma-ne, and all those of our people who were about there came, and were much angered and said, “The Mdewakantons have many white prisoners. Can it be possible that it is their object to make the Wahpeton and Sisseton’s their captives too? Call together those who are Wahpeton’s and Sisseton, and we will prepare to defend ourselves.”
I at once sent out the two young men whom I had helping me and they on horseback went about and gathered our people together. When about three hundred had arrived, we painted our faces and got our guns, and mounting our horse and singing, went towards their camp. When we arrived near the hostile camp, we kept firing our guns into the air until we go within the circle of their encampment, and then rode around inside and came out again where we went in.
It was decided at that time that we would get all our people together and in the future act on the defense. With this understand, all started to bring in their families to the whites and apart from those who were hostile. We formed our camp in a circle west of Mr. Rigg’s Hazelwood Mission buildings, and a large tent was put up in the center of the camp.
A soldier loge was organized, and four men, myself, Joseph LaFromboise, Marpiya-hdi-na-pe, and Wakpe-ee-yu-way-ga, where chosen as the chief officers or directors of this soldiers lodge, to act for the best interest of the Sisseton and Wahpeton peace party.
After these four had been duly installed and authority given them, the first question discussed was the release of the prisoners, both whites and mixed-bloods; and it was decided that the effort should be made to have these prisoners returned to the whites, excepting that the men who were able to might be retained. The reason for this decision of the directors of the soldiers lodge was that the hostile Indians would claim that if the men were released they would turn right around and fight them. Little Paul was chosen as spokesman to present this to the hostile Indians.
The Mdewakantons, the very enemies of the white people, called a big council, and invited us to it. So we prepared ourselves by arming ourselves and painting our faces, and went over to their camp. It was decided, before we started, that now as the time for Little Paul to present the case for the release of the prisoners.
The spokesman of the Mdewakantons was Wa-ki-yan-to-eche-ye (Thunder that paints itself blue), who arose and said that the captives should not be released, that the hostile Indians had brought trouble and suffering upon themselves, and that the captives would have to stay with them and participate in their troubles and deprivations.
Many other spoke on their side. It was a big meeting, nearly a thousand people being present, and there was much excitement up to the time of the breaking up of the council.
It was now reported that many soldiers had got together at fort Ridgely, and Little Crow with about four hundred men started for the Redwood Agency. About this time a detachment of soldiers had been to the Redwood Agency, and on their return camped at Birch Coulie. They were attacked that night by this party and were fighting until daylight. During that fight a mixed blood (Peter Boyer) ran out of the soldier’s camp, but was killed as soon as he got among the Indians. After that a large party of soldiers came from Fort Ridgely, which stopped the fighting, as we were told.
Some who had been at that battle said that they thought they recognized Major Browns voice, and it caused me to think much, for we had his wife and children with us. I then went to our soldiers lodge, and, taking my place there, said that as it had been reported that many had been killed at the battle of Birch Coulie, we ought to send a party to investigate and find out, if possible about how many were killed. My reason for this was that I wanted to come to some conclusion
As to whether Major Brown was dead or alive. We then discussed the question, and it was decided that someone ought to be sent down there, and I suggested Charles Crawford. Others said that there ought to be two, so Wa-su-ho-tay (Enos Good Voice Hail) was named, and these two were selected and sent to investigate the battle ground of Birch Coulie. When the Mdewakanton heard of this, they also sent two of their men.
Our men came back the next day. They reported that they had been to the battle, ground, and there were more than ten graves, but that they could not tell about how many were buried in each grave.
Charles Crawford said that he had found a paper on the battle ground, but that those who were with him did not know that he had found it, and then he gave me the paper. This paper, he said, had been put into a cigar box and tied to a small pole or stake and stuck up on the battle ground. General Sibley’s name was signed to this paper, so I knew that he had written it. I took it to our council lodge, and had it carefully read.
In this paper General Sibley wanted to know why it was that the Indians had become hostile to the white’s, and that if any of them wished to see him they could do so, but must go in the road in plain sight, and that they would not be harmed and could return again. On getting this news, the minds of our people were still more drawn towards the whites.
Then we had a consultation in regard to the mixed-bloods, who though they were white, were children of the Indians. It was thought to be wrong that their property should be taken from them, and that therefore their horses and wagons should be returned to them. After we had discussed the matter, it was decided to demand the property, and Little Paul was chosen as spokesman to present the matter to the hostile Indians.
We again painted our faces, took our guns, and went to the Mdewakanton camp, and when we arrived at their soldier’s lodge, Little Paul said what he was told to say. The public crier of the Mdewakanton arose and said, “The mixed bloods ought not to be alive, they should have been killed, but, now you say their property should be returned to them. We will never do so.”
Little Crow spoke next, and said that he was the leader of those who had made war on the whites; that as long as he was alive no white should touch him; that if he ever should be taken alive, he would be made a show of before the whites, and that, if he was ever touched by a white man, it would be after he was dead.
So the hostile Indians would not consent to have the property of the mixed bloods returned; but Joseph Campbell’s wagon, Mrs. J.R. Brown’s wagon and horse, and Mrs. Andrew Robertson’s wagon, were taken by us and returned to them. As we could see by this time that if any more of this property was taken by us and returned to the owners it would cause a fight between us and the hostile Indians, we stopped and went back to our camp,
After these things happened, about three hundred horsemen came from the Mdewakanton camp with their guns, singing and shouting their war cry. They came around on the outside of our circular camp, and, stopping in front of our entrance way, shot at the tops of our tepees, and shouting their war cry departed.
In face of all this opposition of the hostile Indians, were still determined to keep on the course we had laid out for ourselves, and again getting together decided that some person or persons should be sent to General Sibley’s headquarters at Fort Ridgely. When the Mdewakanton heard of this, they made the threat that anyone who was sent to Fort Ridgeley would be killed. There was much discussion over the matter, but finally, when Little Crow said he was in favor of someone being sent, the two Toms (Thomas Robinson and Thomas A. Robertson) were designated as the ones to go, and they went.
We then got together again in our council lodge and decided to move our camp, having in mind to do everything in our power to discourage the hostile Indians. We hoped that finally they would see that we were so determined in our purpose that it would be wise for them to consent to our preposition in regard to the prisoners, and we therefore moved our camp.
About this the time the two who had gone to Ft. Ridgely for news returned. They had seen General Sibley, who had told them that he was not the enemy of those who were the enemies of the whites; that he must have the captives returned first, and then he would meet the hostile Indians as men.
We then moved our camp, and the hostiles also moved theirs. They went north till they came to Red Irons village, where they were halted, and a great commotion occurring, a scattered camp was made. Some shots were fired, but no one was killed. The result of this move at Red Iron’s was that the hostile Indians went no farther at that time.
When we all moved away from Yellow Medicine, Simon Anawag-ma-ne took a captive women and her child who could talk English, and hiding with them, fled towards the white. Lorenzo Lawrence also about that time took his own family, and a white women and hid in the river bottom. Finding a canoe, he put them into it and started down the river in the night. On his way he came across a mixed blood woman, who, with her children, was hiding, and taking them along he arrived safely with them at Ft. Ridgely.
The making of the scattered camp, caused by the halting and commotion at Red Irons village, had the effect of breaking up the hostile soldiers lodge, and to some extent the influence that it had exercised over their own people. Therefore, when it was proposed that messengers should again be sent to Gen. Sibley, a few of the Mdewakanton’s felt inclined towards the whites, and secretly Thomas A Robertson to write a letter for them, sent it by him to Gen. Sibley. This letter was signed by Taopi, Good Thunder, Wah-ke-yan-tah-wah, and a few others, came into the friendly camp.
At this time the messengers that had been sent to Ft. Ridgely the second time returned and reported that General Sibley was preparing to advance, and that the troops were crossing over to the west side of the Minnesota River.
At this camp it was reported to us that the so-called Mdewakanton soldiers were coming to attack us, and we determined to defend ourselves. We soon saw them coming and got our guns, and then getting behind our tents selected about 20 of our men, among them Solomon Two Starts, Basswood, Wa-su-ho-was-tay, Wa-ki-ya-hde, and A-chay-tu-ke-yah, with Mazo-ma-ne as spokesman, to go and meet them and tell them that they must come no farther, but go back, and that, if they persisted in coming on, we would fire on them.
So these men went to meet the Mdewakantons, and forming in line waiting for them to come. When they got near, Mazo-ma-ne commanded them to halt, and said to them, “If you come any nearer we will shoot. Why are you treating us in this way? You have brought about the destruction of everything we had to live on. Do you also want to make captives of us? No, you can never make us your captives. Go back.” So they went back, without coming any farther.
The horses had eaten all the grass down to the ground, so we moved our camp about a half mile to the east. There again, the Mdewakanton soldiers came, and having taken us unawares pushed over some of our tents, but on being told to stop they quit and went to their camp.
They (the warriors) later moved their camp about a half a mile to the westward. It was at this time (Sept. 22) that the hostile Indians decided that they were ready to go and meet General Sibley’s command, ordering everybody to go, and making the threat that those who did not go weould be punished by their soliders lodge, and that now was the time to wipe out General Sibley’s command, which they said they intended to do. This was the reason that some of the friendly Indians were told to go down there to see if the soldiers would all be killed, and the others to say and take care of the camp.
The start was now made to meet the troops, Sibley had gone into camp about one and half miles south of the Yellow Medicine River, and the Indians were camped on that river. A consultation was then had as to how it was best to attack Sibley’s command, the council being held in the evening. Little Crows plan was to quietly advance under cover of darkness until guards fired, and then rush in, and as soon as the troops rose up, to halt, fire one volley, charge forward, and massacre them.
When the morning came, some of the soldiers who were going for potatoes were fired upon by the Indians and chased back into their camp. Then all the hostile Indians rushed in, and drove back the two companies of soldiers, and killed three of them before they reached their camp. Afterward the Indians surrounded the camp, and fired on the troops from all sides. As soon as the soldiers were ready, however, they came out of the camp and pursued the Indians, killing many of the Indians then withdrew and went back to their camp, and the next morning fled to the northward.
During this time some of the hostile Indians with their families had been returning under cover of the night, and pitched their tents among the friendly Indians. This was reported to General Sibley, who issued an order demanding that all arms and ammunition that had been taken out of the stores and government warehouses should be given up, and this was done.
As myself and Ah-kee-pah and our families, had not been implicated in any of the outrages against the whites, we were given the privilege of being outside of the Indian camp, coming and going as we please. This being the case, I went back to my old home across the Minnesota River.
Everything that I owned at my old house had been taken or destroyed by the hostile Indians. Having nothing to live on, and outlook being very dreary, I moved my camp to Redwood Agency, and pitched my tent with the friendly Indians who were then camped on the north side of Sibley’s command.
From this encampment, after the proceedings of the military court had been closed, and when all parties had come in from hunting the hostile Indians, those who were friendly, with their families and the families of those who had been convicted, were taken to Fort Snelling, and the convicted men were taken to Mankato.
The friendly Indians and their families, and the families of the prisoners, on their way to Ft. Snelling, passed through Henderson, at which place the whites were very much angered and threw stones at the Indians, hitting some of them, and pulled the shawls and blankets off the women, and abused them much. But they finally got through the town without any one being killed, and formed a camp beyond the town, in an open prairie.
They were taken down on the east side of the Minnesota river, and went into camp at some distance from Ft. Snelling. Shortly after this the camps was moved again, being located close to the Minnesota river. These camps were always well guarded, but in spite of that many of the horses and oxen belonging to the Indians were stolen, including three horse that belonged to myself and Charles Crawford (Gabriel’s half-brother).
Then a fence was built on the south side of the forty and close to it. We all moved into this inclosure, but we were so crowed and confined that an epidemic broke out among us and children were dying day and night, among them being Solomon Two Star’s oldest child, a little girl.
The news then came of the hanging at Mankato.
“AMID ALL THIS SICKNESS AND THESE GREAT TRIBULATIONS, IT SEEMED DOUBTFUL AT NIGHT WHETHER A PERSON WOULD BE ALIVE IN THE MORNING. WE HAD NO LAND, NO HOMES, NO MEANS OF SUPPORT, AND THE OUTLOOK WAS MOST DREARY AND DISCOURAGING. HOW CAN WE GET LANDS AND HAVE HOMES AGAIN, WERE THE QUESTIONS WHICH TROUBLED MANY THINKING MINDS, AND WERE HARD QUESTIONS TO ANSWERS.”
Then I went to General Sibley in late December 1862 and had a talk with him, and suggested to him that some mixed-bloods be picked out as scouts and sent to Redwood Agency. But this was a difficult matter to consider, so General Sibley called into consultation the officers under him, and a letter was written to the great father in regard to it. An answer came, and I was asked who I thought should be sent out there. I gave the names of myself, Michael Renville, Daniel Renville, Isaac Renville, John Moore(s), Thomas Robinson, and four full-blood Indians.
I was laughed at, and was asked whether I thought it was a light matter to soon send out these full-blood Indians. My answer was, “You told me to pick out reliable men. I have done so. There are full-blood Indians who are more steadfast and more to be depended upon than many of the mixed-bloods. This is why I chosen them.” The question was referred to the authorities at Washington, and in about a month the answer came that this might be done. Somomon Two Stars, E-chay-tu-ke-ya (Big Amos), E-nee-hah, and Wah-su-ho-was-tay (Enos Good Voiced Hail) were chosen.
In the month of February 1863, having got permission from General Sibley and rations, we came out of the inclosure at Ft. Snelling and started on our journey. In passing different towns on the way the people saw we were armed, and surmised our occupation, they respected us and did not molest us in any way.
We arrived at Ft. Ridley, and passing the Minnesota river made our headquarters on Rice Creek. The white men who had brought us thus far in sleighs then returned. Other scouts were added to these until ten of us had made our camp at Rice Creek. Alexis and Joseph LaFromboise came to where we were, and were included as scouts by General Sibley, and we staid there together.
After a short time we took provisions and blankets and started on a scouting expedition up the Minnesota river. We came to Yellow Medicine, and then went on up the Minnesota to the Chippewa river. There we found signs of the hostile Indians, and commenced searching for their camp. They had sent their families away, and had waited for us to come, as we learned afterward; but we were so long getting there that they finally followed their families, and we lost track of them. Then we came back and reported. Later we went on another scouting expedition to the westward. We kept working in this way till spring….
Three other scouts came up in a steamboat from Mankato, namely, Ah-we-pah, Thomas Crawford, and Han-yo-ke-yan.
When General Sibley had completed his plans for the expedition against the Sioux in 1863, he notified the troops that were in camp near the Redwood river what day he would be there. Great preparation were made, and amid the playing of bands and waving of flags he was received with much distinction and honor.
It was decided there as to which scouts were to go on the expedition, and which were not to go. The following are the names of those who were not to go, but remain and scout with their headquarters at Fort Ridely: Two Stars, Joseph LeBlanc, Antoine Renville, Han-yo-ke-yan, Ah-we-tan-e-nah, Mah-pe-yah-wah-koon-zay, and Wah-hah-chan-hah.
The following are the names of those who were to go as scouts with General Sibleys expedition.
Gabriel Renville, Michel Renville, J. B. Renville, Isaac Renville, Joseph Renville, E-ne-han, Little Paul, David Faribault, Sr., William Quinn, Alexis LaFromboise, Joseph LaFromboise, We-yon-she, Chay-tah-shoon
The following is emails I received from Chuck Floro asking if I would consider pulling the Open Letter posted below. My intention was to write a three part Open Letters to the Oyate. The Letters are my interpretation of Sisseton and Wahpeton history since the War of 1862.
I will post Part 2 and Part 3 later.
Is his request a form of "censorship?"
I discussed the Open Letter with other SW Oyates and they agreed with my point of view. I am sure that my Open Letter might piss off some Oyates, which was really not my intention, my intention was to "set the record straight" historically.
I guess the other issue is a white editor again decides what the Oyate should read.
I wrote an email to Chuck Floro and told I that I never have been scared of the Tribal Council, and I have paid dearly for offering my opinion.
Grady:
1st email
You are welcome to have your letter be printed, but I hope you reconsider. This has nothing to do with censorship. For your own sake, please think it over and let me know.
I need to know by tomorrow (Sunday) morning.
Chuck
2nd email
"I think this is a good choice. And like I said it has nothing to do with censorship. You do have a point, only you would so severely piss off people who think the ride is sacred that you could be in serious doodoo with them. That's my reason for contacting you. I have not spoken to a single other person about this ... it's just you and me.
I was going to say something in my column about the acidic pen of Grady returning and how it could be a good thing for our newspaper sales . . . but that might not have been a good thing for me to do either!"
Chuck Floro (Sota Editor)
OPEN LETTER TO THE OYATE
(Was to be printed in the Sota, the SWO Tribal newspaper during the week of February 13, 2012.
Part 1.
This year is the 150th anniversary (sesquicentennial) of the War of 1862. In case you have forgotten or did not know the War of 1862 is the only reason most of you now live in Sisseton, South Dakota.
This year is the 150th anniversary (sesquicentennial) of the War of 1862. In case you have forgotten or did not know the War of 1862 is the only reason most of you now live in Sisseton, South Dakota.
If you know any Sisseton and Wahpeton history you know that 38 Dakota Indians were executed (by hanging) on December 26, 1862, in Mankato, Minnesota, the largest mass execution in American history.
And, you may have noticed like I have that for the past several years some Sisseton and Wahpeton Dakota’s make an annual sojourn or pilgrimage to Mankato Minnesota right around Christmas time.
It goes without saying that this is a free country and if you want to run, walk, or ride a horse to Mankato you’re free to do so.
However, it is my understand that the SWO Tribe has been laying out about ten grand each year for the past several years for those who make these sojourns or pilgrimages. Granted ten grand is not a lot of money in the world of tribal waste and corruption, but, ten grand could instead pay for every SWO child who wants to go to the Sisseton swimming pool.
It won’t be the first time the SWO has laid out money for some Oyate’s to make a pilgrimage, a couple years ago it was to Bear Butte. Bear Butte is considered sacred by the Lakota’s. Why the SW Oyate’s went there escapes my reasoning.
Oh, now I remember. The Sturgis Bike Rally was the same weekend they went. And, I almost got my onze kicked for reporting it to the Oyate.
Geez, I hope my business doesn’t get kicked out of the post office building for reporting this. The SWO Tribe can’t kicked me out of the tribe, they already did that on December 29, 2010.
The following is how I understand Sisseton and Wahpeton history.
If you don’t agree with my interpretation I dare you to offer your interpretation in the next Sota.
After reading my interpretation you may, like I have, wonder why the Tribe lay’s out money, and why some modern day Dakota Indians made this annual journey.
(For you information last year the Minnesota Historical Society located in St Paul advertised for a “1862 Coordinator“ position. I don’t know how many Dakota’s applied for the job, but M.H.S. hired an Ojibwa lady. I thought that was pretty insensitive of the Minnesota Historical Society)
I haven’t heard what she or the Historical Society are planning to do to commemorate the War of 1862.
Hiring an Ojibway to coordinate Dakota activities may seem a little “off the wall,” but what I find more questionable is why modern day Dakota Indians run, walk, or ride horses, and participate in activities to honor the 38 hung at Mankato.
After the ill-advised Great Sioux Uprising, or, the Minnesota Dakota War, or simply the War of 1862, the US government and the citizens of Minnesota were hell bent on revenge.
The white toll of the War of 1862 was 490 killed. 413 civilians and 77 soldiers died in the three week war.
A military court then convicted 303 Dakota Indians. 38 were hung at Mankato and the rest were imprisoned at Davenport Iowa. In 1866, 177 Dakota Indians were pardoned, over a hundred died while imprisoned.
Doing the math on the 490 white people killed in the War of 1862 this would mean that the 38 who were hung each took the lives of 12 or13 white people.
I have not seem any testimony where one single Indian was responsible for the killing of 12 or 13 people, so, we can assume that many who did the actual killing got away with it.
It seems unlikely that only 38 Dakota’s were responsible for killing 490 white people.
After the short-lived war many of the Dakota Indians involved in the conflict and the actual killing fled Minnesota, some to prairies of present day North and South Dakota, some to Canada, never again returning to their ancestral homeland. We can assume that some of those who did the actual killing were in the groups that fled Minnesota.
About a thousand to twelve hundred Sisseton and Wahpeton’s who did not participate in the war, but fearing retribution by the whites also fled Minnesota, and some of them later settled on the Lake Traverse Reservation established in 1867.
I want to know why a Sisseton or Wahpeton Dakota Indian would want to honor those responsible for the killing?
The War of 1862 was a total waste, not one good thing that I can think of came out of it.
How could a Dakota Indian in his right mind think that they could defeat the United States government in an all-out war, then or now?
The Sisseton, Wahpeton, Wahpekute, and Mdewankanton bands of Dakota Indians had made several treaties with the United States government in the 1830’s and again in the 1850‘s, namely the Traverse des Sioux treaty.
As a result of the treaties delegations of Dakota Indians journeyed to Washington, DC, on several occasions to work out the details of the treaties.
As an example, on page 108 of “The History of the Santee Sioux” there is a picture that lists some of those at a meeting in Washington. The picture shows Akepa, Scarlet Plume, Red Iron, John Other Day, Little Paul, Charles Crawford, Iron Walker, Stumpy Horn, Sweet Corn, and Extended Tail Feathers.
Imagine the group of Dakota leaders who went on these trips. No doubt some of them lived around the present day areas of Sisseton, Browns Valley, Granite Falls, Redwood Falls, and all along the Minnesota River.
They either walked or rode to the Fort Snelling area and then down the Mississippi River by steam boat to a place where they could take wagons or carriages, and eventually catch a train to the east coast. The trip to Washington must have took ten days or longer.
Imagine the sights they must have seen. The hundreds of white villages, towns, and cities along the way. Imagine what it must have been like to ride a steam boat or a train for the first time.
When they arrived in Washington they usually stayed several weeks or longer.
Imagine what it must have been like to see so many homes, buildings, offices, factories, and people. There must have been thousands of government troops garrisoned in the Washington DC area.
These many sights and wonders must have “blew their mind.”
After the treaty meetings were over they came back to their home villages. Imagine the stories they must have told.
Any Indian in his right mind surely must have understood the might and power of the United States government.
Little Crow himself had made a journey to Washington and it has been written that he knew how hopeless a war would be.
I can certainly sympathize with the Dakota Indians reason’s for the War of 1862. The Sisseton and Wahpeton’s were the original land owners of millions of acres of land that was treated away for pennies an acre. The US government violated the treaties they made, no question about it, the promised annuity goods were either late, or never arrived at all.
In fact, every time the Dakota Indian turned around they got screwed.
The spark that set off the 1862 war was a small group of young Mdewakanton men who senselessly killed several farmers in the Acton, Minnesota area.
Once the military and civilian organized it’s forces, quite frankly, it didn’t take much to scatter the Dakota Indians. After a handful of small battles many of the Dakota’s fled Minnesota.
On the other hand, ancestors of modern day Sisseton and Wahpeton’s did not participate in the ill-advised war, however, as I said earlier the white people were hell-bent on revenge and sixteen hundred Sisseton and Wahpeton’s were rounded up and herded across Minnesota and incarcerated at Fort Snelling from October 1862 until May 1863.
The actual numbers vary, but it has been reported that as much as three hundred Dakota’s died at Fort Snelling, mostly elders and children, from cold, disease, and hunger.
A little know part of this history is that on February 26, 1863, 37 full-blood and half-breed’s incarcerated at Fort Snelling rode out of the fort to serve as scouts for the military.
In the spring of 1863, the remaining Ft. Snelling survivors were loaded on steamboats and deported to Crow Creek, South Dakota. Their first year at Crow Creek they nearly starved. Eventually some were allowed to migrate down toward the Niobrara Nebraska area. From there some drifted to the present day Flandreau area.
The ill-advised war of 1862 caused untold hardships. I see no glamour or logic in the belief or opinion that some Dakota Indian’s “stood up” to the injustices caused by the broken treaties.
In summary here are the consequences of the War of 1862.
1). All of the treaties the Dakota Indians made with the US government were abrogated (to abolish, to treat as nonexistent);
2). All of their remaining land in Minnesota was forfeited;
3). All of the Dakota Indians, friend and foe alike were kicked out of Minnesota.
4). The scouts that rode out of Fort Snelling on February 26, 1863 eventually grew to over 200 Sisseton and Wahpeton’s, and, like it or not, it was because of the scout service that a 918,770 acre reservation was established in 1867.
Why some Dakota Indians today run, walk, or ride horses, and participate in activities to honor the 38 hung at Mankato is a mystery to me. To now, a 150 years later glamorize the war, or, honor the 38 hung boggles my mind.
Think about that for a minute.
And, why does the modern day Sisseton and Wahpeton Tribe provide money for this event?
Remember, most Sisseton and Wahpeton’s did not participate in the War of 1862.
And, 1,600 Sisseton and Wahpeton’s were incarcerated at Fort Snelling.
Why are there no modern day Sisseton or Wahpeton’s running, walking, or riding horses to Fort Snelling each year?
(In case your wondering what I have done, I have made many, many pilgrimages to the area below Ft. Snelling)
Why are their no activities, or, money spent to honor the innocent 1,600 who were incarcerated at Fort Snelling?
Someone killed 490 white people, this was the reason the 38 were hung!
Now, I can almost hear some of you saying, “the white people broke the treaties and they deserved to die.”
“Okay, the next time you pray to the Great Spirit, the Creator, Wakan Tanka make your case that 490 white people deserved to die, and the Dakota Indian was justified to go to war!”
I will be the first to admit that us modern day Dakota Indians can do nothing to change the events of those time, but we can at least make an effort to get the truth out.
Next week I will list some of the modern day consequences of the war of 1862.
Mitakuye Owasin (we are all related) and I really mean it.
Grady Renville, Ex-SWO
OPEN LETTER TO THE OYATE
Part 2
In addition to the 150th anniversary of the 1862 War the SW Oyate have another anniversary to celebrate this year, it is the 125th anniversary of the Dawes or General Allotment Act.
But, like honoring the 38 hung it is nothing to celebrate.
The Dawes Act and the War of 1862 are the two main reasons why the Lake Traverse Reservation was established which begs the question: Why was present day northeastern South Dakota chosen as the land to be given the homeless Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands?
Immediately after the perpetrators of the War of 1862 fled Minnesota the US government rounded up the “friendly” Dakota Indians who remained in Minnesota and incarcerated them at Fort Snelling. From that group thirty-seven full and half-breeds rode out of Fort Snelling on February 26, 1863, eventually the Sisseton and Wahpeton scout force grew to over 200.
After the Dakota Indian was banished from Minnesota in 1863 many Dakota Indian’s hadn’t accepted the fact, or, it is quite possible they may not have even known they were banished from their ancestral homeland and they continued to come back into Minnesota. Sometimes for peaceful purposes and at other times to steal from and kill white settlers.
There were numerous clashes between the scout force and these marauding groups of Dakota Indians. The Sisseton and Wahpeton scouts engaged in what could be called guerilla warfare with these Dakota Indians. Fort Wadsworth or Fort Sisseton built in 1864 served as the headquarters for the scout force which had many outlying scout posts along the Minnesota, North and South Dakota borders. For four years the scouts were the force that “settled” what is now western Minnesota, eastern North and South Dakota.
As a result, some modern day Dakota Indians view the scouts as “traitors” against their own people for working for the military.
However, if you really know our history there was more to it then who was a scout and who wasn’t a scout.
There was animosity and conflict amongst the Dakota before, during, and, after the war of 1862. As a new way of life was being forced upon the Dakota Indian opposing forces amongst the Dakota Indian was inevitable. Half breeds vs. Full bloods; Christian Indians vs. Traditional believers; Progressive Indians vs. Non-Progressive Indians. (Meaning that some Indians were willing to adopt the white mans ways, and other Indians vehemently opposed any change.)
The animosity and conflict caused the Sisseton and Wahpeton’s bands in particular to unite for self-preservation reasons at the start of the War of 1862.
On the Minnesota and US government side of the coin the mood was to exterminate or banish the Dakota Indians from Minnesota. A 150 years ago (1862) northeastern South Dakota was considered far enough away from white civilization.
The curious thing about the removal of the Dakota Indian from white civilization is that it lasted only twenty years. The scheme the government came up with was called the Dawes Act (also called General Allotment Act, or Dawes Severalty Act of 1887) named for its sponsor, Senator Henry Dawes of Massachusetts.
The Act authorized the President of the United States to survey Indian land and divide the land into allotments for individual Indians. The stated objectives of the Dawes Act was to stimulate assimilation of Indians into American society. Individual ownership of land was seen as an essential step. The Act also provided that the government would purchase Indian land "excess" to that was needed for 160 acre allotments, and then open it up for settlement by non-Indians. In the 1870’s and 1880’s millions upon millions of land hungry immigrants were pouring into this country.
As a result of the Dawes Act land owned by Indians decreased from 138 million acres in 1887 to 48 million acres in 1934.
The Lake Traverse Reservation went from 918,770 acres to about 309,900 acres. Approximately 608,365 acres were opened up to homesteading.
The irony readers is this: The Sisseton and Wahpeton were actually given a chance to vote for, or, reject selling their surplus land, after the 160 acres allotments were made.
Government agents came to Old Agency on November 27, 1889. By December 12, 1889 they managed to convince 209 Sisseton and Wahpeton’s to vote for the sale of their excess land.
On April 5, 1892, the Lake Traverse Reservation was opened to homesteading.
82 year later, in 1974, the Dawes Act came of bit the Sisseton and Wahpeton’s in the onze once again. In the 1974 infamous Decoteau case the Supreme Court “reasoned” that by voting for the Dawes Act (opening up the reservation) the reservation boundaries had been “diminished.”
And, that is why today the State of South Dakota, the City of Sisseton, and County of Roberts assumes as much jurisdiction as they do.
In a span of thirty years (1862-1892) the Dakota Indian twice became their own worst enemy!
One example how this plays out in modern time is that my mazaska business office is located in the post office building. I got to thinking about why I am in the post office building in the first place and in the process discovered that the ownership of the ground on which the Sisseton post office sits has changed hands at least ten times over the last several thousand years.
The first owners of this land may have not even been the Dakota Indian. No one is certain who lived in the Sisseton area one, two, or nine thousand years ago.
Possibly the Browns Valley Man whose remains were found in 1933. His radio carbon date goes back 9,000 years.
At some point in time the Dakota, Lakota or Nakota Indian moved into the area and claimed the land. It is quite possible the Lakota or Nakota claimed the area first then they eventually migrated further south and west and the Sisseton band moved into the area.
Unbeknownst to the Dakota/Lakota/Nakota Indian Spain and France also claimed the land in the 17th century.
In 1803, the United States bought the land from France and cut Spain out of the deal.
In 1867, the United States then gave the land back to the Sisseton and Wahpeton bands of Dakota Indians via the 1867 Treaty.
The Sisseton and Wahpeton’s then lost the land by voting for the General Allotment Act.
In 1892 the reservation was open to homesteading and the City of Sisseton was born.
In the 1950’s the Sisseton folks gave or sold the land to the United States to build a post office.
And, sometimes within the last ten years the United States government gave the land back to the SWO Tribe.
I would not be in the post office building had it not been for my grandfather Gabriel Renville, who played a part in the establishment of the Lake Traverse Reservation.
Several years ago when I was having trouble with the Sisseton and Wahpeton Tribal Council my mazaska business was located on Sisseton’s Main Street.
The tribal council tried to run me out of business because I criticized them for some of the jackass things they were doing. They reported me to the South Dakota State Banking Commission questioning if I had a South Dakota payday lending license.
I did not, so the banking commission demanded that I buy a S.D. State payday lending license. I objected because I reasoned that I was an Indian, loaning money to Indians, on an Indian reservation, with a tribal business license.
However, the State didn’t see it my way.
The State relies on the Supreme Court (Decoteau v. District County Court) and now feels it has jurisdiction over Indians who engage in payday lending or any any business on fee land within the boundaries of the Lake Traverse Reservation.
Instead of acquiescing to State jurisdiction I quit my business on Main Street. In effect the SWO Tribal Council ran me out of business, because prior to them reporting me to the banking commission I wasn’t even on the State’s radar screen.
You give formerly powerless, poor Indians a little power they go witko!
I went out of business for a couple of years. I re-started my business in February 2008, and moved right back to Sisseton’s Main Street, but, within a few weeks the “Tribal Haters” again called the State Banking Commission on me.
I then got the bright idea to move into the post office building.
It is a crazy world us NDN’s live in!
I can legally loan money from my office in the post office, but, if I go across the street South Dakota wants a piece of me.
Actually, it is really no big deal to buy a SD State payday lending license, it’s more of a philosophical/legal issue with me.
As I said, my grandfather played a part in creating a homeland for the modern day Sisseton and Wahpeton bands of Dakota Indians. If I backed down on this issue with the State, no doubt when I get to the spirit world my grandfather will give me a butt chewing for having run from the State like a dog with its tail between its legs.
Who knows, maybe in the overall scheme of things, all of our history, the good, bad, and ugly will come together. As an example I don’t know if having five jurisdictions - city, county, state, tribal, and federal is good or bad, maybe a little of both. Certainly the subject of much debate and speculation.
I am convinced though that both of the pivotal events in Dakota history - the 1862 War and the selling of our “excess” land - the Sisseton and Wahpeton we're their own worst enemy and put us where we are at today.
As I said before, there is nothing you, or, I can do about it. However, I think it is extremely important we all understand our history better.
And, the lesson I get from understanding our history properly is that we quit screwing ourselves, and being our own worst enemies.
We are screwing ourselves today by blindly accepting the white mans blood quantum idea (they don’t even believe in it themselves), and the dual enrollment prohibition (both concepts contradict basic Dakota family/tiospaya values); squandering away millions of gaming dollars; refusing to allow all members of the Sisseton and Wahpeton Oyate to vote, or, run for office; and refusing to go back into Minnesota. (More about that in Part 3 next week.)
I recently heard it said that "the worst kind of genocide isn’t them killing us, it’s them teaching us how to kill ourselves, then sitting back and watching us do it"
Mitakuye Owasin (we are all related/relations), and I really mean it.
Grady Renville
Ex-SWO
THE GREAT TREASURE
